Sexy professor explains how Japan controlled Taiwan in 1930s

[torasan]

sexy? kidding. just for traffic eye pulls.

In a book titled ''Colonial Project, National Game'': a US professor explains How Japan Colonized Taiwan 1930s with Baseball Myth and Aborigines Control

a new book by Andrew Morris
University of California Press, 2010, 271 pp.

Chapter 2 is about the Japan Colony of Taiwan period concentrates on the 1931-1945 period.

Although better documented than the previous chapter, it lacks information on the war period. It deals at length with the story of a team from the Agriculture and Forestry School at Chiayi, known by the Japanese name KANO, which stood for KAGI NORIN GAKKO, and made up of Japanese players and Aborigines as well as Han Taiwanese (pp. 31-44). Morris documents its use by the colonial authorities to promote an fake bs image of interethnic harmony only one year after the Musha (Wushe in Chinese) massacre of 1930 in which local Aboriinges massacedred 134 Japanese people in broad daylight during a sports day thing. The Kanō case is relatively marginal, but it generally served as a model for training future generations of players and for the peaceful coexistence between the island’s disparate populations. This *supposed idyll* was to be re-invoked by pro-independence supporters decades later (p. 52).

SOME QUOTES BELOW from BOOK

[torasan]

By 1930, after 35 years of colonial rule, Taiwan had been transformed into a relatively stable, peaceful, and prosperous Japanese colony. With a population that was still 95% rural, Taiwan had become a reliable “sugar bowl” and “rice basket” providing foodstuffs and light industrial products for Japan’s home islands. In the cities, thousands of college-educated Taiwanese, as one scholar described, had “entered the ranks of Japanese [intellectuals],becoming almost indistinguishable from them.”1And an official government publication had boasted the year before that “[t]oday one may travel alone and unarmed without the slightest danger of molestation at the hands of savages or bandits – except in certain small sections of the mountain fastnesses where the head-hunters have not as yet been entirely tamed.”2Indeed, the government felt comfortable enough with its progress in civilizing and modernizing the island to schedule on the Tainan No. 1 High School grounds an “Islandwide High School Baseball Tournament to Commemorate 300 Years of Culture” (Bunka sanbyaku 1Scholar Ō Ikutoku (Ong Iok-tek 王育德), cited in E. Patricia Tsurumi, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895-1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), p. 177. 2The Government-General of Taiwan, Taiwan (Formosa): Its System of Communications andTransportation, Submitted by the Japanese Delegate for Taiwan to the Ninth Conference of the International Postal Union, Held at London, May, 1929

Lasting three days, from 26 to 28 October 1930, this tournament pitted nine of Taiwan’s finest teams against each other in a clumsily-conceived effort to celebrate the longstanding institution of global – not just Japanese – colonialism. According to this chronology, “culture” would have arrived in Taiwan in 1630, eight years into the Dutch occupation of southwestern Taiwan,4where the population was some 70,000 plains Aborigines and 1000 Chinese sojourners and traders, apparently cultureless to the last.5The ahistorical point, clearly, was to credit and naturalize the global system by which Japan and their Western contemporaries had achieved such wealth andpower. This narrative of colonialist success was shattered, however, the very day after this self-congratulatory tournament was convened. The date of 27 October 1930 was also chosen for the annual interscholastic sports meet in Musha, a model village deep in the mountains of central Taiwan. As the national flag was raised and the national anthem played, some 300 Seediq Atayal Aborigine braves, seeking revenge for continued humiliations and violence at the hands of Japanese police, crashed onto the grounds and began stabbing and shooting the Japanese home3Nishiwaki Yoshiaki 西脇良朋, Taiwan chūtō gakkō yakyū shi 臺灣中等學校野球史 (History of highschool baseball in Taiwan) (Kakogawa City, Hyogo Prefecture 兵庫縣加古川市: self-published, 1996), pp. 113-116. 4In 1962, Taiwanese historian Shi Ming published (in Japanese) a comprehensive history titled The Four Hundred Years of the Taiwanese People’s History, which implies a slightly different chronology as towhen real “history” began in Taiwan – the arrival of larger numbers of Han mainland immigrants whobegan to “develop and build” Taiwan. Shi Ming 史明, Taiwanren sibainian shi (Hanwen ban)台灣人四百年史 (漢文版) (San Jose, CA: Pengdao wenhua gongsi 蓬島文化公司 Paradise Culture Associates, 1980), p. iii. 5John E. Wills, Jr., “The Seventeenth-Century Transformation: Taiwan Under the Dutch and the ChengRegime,” in Murray A. Rubinstein, ed., Taiwan: A New History (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), pp. 87-88; Laurence M. Hauptman and Ronald G. Knapp, “Dutch-Aboriginal Interaction in New Netherlandand Formosa: An Historical Geography of Empire,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society121.2 (April 1977), p. 175.

islanders in attendance. Some 134 Japanese were massacred in what came to be known as theMusha (Chinese: Wushe) Incident (霧社事件), before the military brutally quelled the rebellionwith aerial attacks and poisonous gas. Leo Ching has documented very skillfully how this violent uprising “deeply shook, [and] momentarily destabilized, Japanese rule” and how Japanese cultural producers reacted by creating stories and films in subsequent years that reordered the relationship between colonizer and “savage.” An example was the song and film “The Bell of Sayon,” about an Aboriginal maiden who dies helping her Japanese teacher (and local police officer) carry his luggage down a steep mountain pass. Like the British mythologization of Pocahontas, this discourse was meantto “[transform] the aborigines from an unruly population to patriotic subjects in the post-Musha era.”6While Ching’s reading of these cultural productions is astute, the time lag between Musha and these works – for example, the film “Sayon” was released 13 years later, in 1943 – complicates notions of directly causal connection. The realm of baseball, by this time crucial to notions of modernity and nationalism in Japan, is another cultural space in which both colonizer and subject addressed much more immediately the implications of the bloodshed of October 1930. 6Leo Ching, “Savage Construction and Civility Making: The Musha Incident and AboriginalRepresentations in Colonial Taiwan,” positions 8.3 (Winter 2000), pp. 799, 810-811. In an interesting ideological move – especially for a government usually concerned about expressing the depth of Japanese influence on Taiwanese culture – Taiwan’s central bank issued a NT$20 coin in 2001 bearing the likeness of Mona Rudao, the leader of this massacre who committed suicide afterthe event. “Aboriginal hero honored on new coin,” # (accessed 27 July 2007).

[torasan]

KEY: ''Some 134 Japanese were massacred in what came to be known as theMusha (Chinese: Wushe) Incident (霧社事件), before the military brutally quelled the rebellionwith aerial attacks and poisonous gas. Leo Ching has documented very skillfully how this violent uprising “deeply shook, [and] momentarily destabilized, Japanese rule” and how Japanese cultural producers reacted by creating stories and films in subsequent years that reordered the relationship between colonizer and “savage.” An example was the song and film “The Bell of Sayon,” about an Aboriginal maiden who dies helping her Japanese teacher (and local police officer) carry his luggage down a steep mountain pass. Like the British mythologization of Pocahontas, this discourse was meantto “[transform] the aborigines from an unruly population to patriotic subjects in the post-Musha era.”6While Ching’s reading of these cultural productions is astute, the time lag between Musha and these works – for example, the film “Sayon” was released 13 years later, in 1943 – complicates notions of directly causal connection. The realm of baseball, by this time crucial to notions of modernity and nationalism in Japan, is another cultural space in which both colonizer and subject addressed much more immediately the implications of the bloodshed of October 1930''

[torasan]

Some more background news here with links to very good Youtube TV news story about the KANO 1931 team

http://ampontan.wordpress.com/2012/11/2 ... e-pennant/

[torasan]

So the way to write his name and all Japanese
singers and actors names in Taiwan, would be like this, for blogs and
newspapers and websites and facebook posts: ''.....永瀨正敏 (Masatoshi
Nagase)...." -- this way, Taiwanese people can learn the REAL name of
their Japanese guests. It is wrong to call him Yinpoo Goopoo or
whatever you say in Mandarin, because that is not his real name, just
PINCHI POO is... not the girl singer;s name either. So write his name
here from now on as....''.....永瀨正敏 (Nagase Masatoshi)..." in Japanese
culture his name is NAGASE Masatoshi, but in Western newspapers he is
called Masatoshi Nagase, so you can decide how you want to call him,
first name or last name, but please do not call him YINPOO GOOPOO,
that is NOT his name. smile

[gaijinpunch]

This is the best blog ever!